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Cosmopolitanism: A Brief Definition
Jason D. Hill
Associate Professor of Philosophy
De Paul University
COSMOPOLITANISM: the notion that one’s
identity is not determined solely nor primarily by any racial, national
or ethnic background.
Diogenes and the ancient Cynics began the cosmopolitan tradition by
forming the notion that an individual could have a primary identity
apart from the one he or she inherited from the polis. In de-emphasizing
the value of class, status, national origin and gender, the Cynics simultaneously
placed great emphasis on the value of reason and moral purpose. Here
is the revolutionary idea that the Cynics achieved which is a given
in the Western concept of personality and its concomitant dependence
on dignity: regardless of how much one is deprived of the concrete goods
that are constitutive of social identity, one possesses a larger universal
identity grounded in reason, moral purpose and above all human dignity.
Today, when contemporary cosmopolitans speak in terms of a universal
human identity that they share with others, they are invoking concepts
bequeathed to them by the ancient Cynics.
The concept of world-citizenship in the sense of belonging to all of
humankind gained ascendancy in the Hellenistic era. It is among the
core features of Stoic thought, which, along with its great rival Epicureanism,
were reactions to the gradual disappearance of the small city-state
in an age of empire. (One of the reasons, it goes without saying, for
the current upsurge in interest in cosmopolitanism, is our own relation
to empire.) As Philip of Macedonia and then his son Alexander imposed
an overarching monarchy on the Greeks and conquered new territories,
not only did the poleis cease to be the sole seat of political authority
for citizens, they were no longer insular safe havens in which local
identities could be formed.
The cosmopolis, that vastly growing space beyond the insular polis,
the place that heretofore had been the home of barbarians, was conceived
of as a place where social and cultural distinctions were irrelevant
compared to an essential sameness to all human beings, who are bound
together, regardless of their backgrounds, by their subjection to natural
law. Human beings may live in a multiplicity of ways, but there is a
law that holds the variations in their actions and behaviors to a recognizably
human model. The people in one village may live in an area populated
with plants, some of which are poisonous and some of which are not;
those of another may live off the meat of animals. In the first scenario
someone has to learn how to detoxify plants and classify them and establish
it as an art or science. In the second scenario, one has to establish
procedures for effective hunting and so on. In both cases, each individual
must live by the evidence of his or her senses. That is what is to be
expected, as human beings are conceptual animals, and this shared nature
provides the basis for a universal humanity. So goes the reasoning of
the Stoics. Today, a contemporary cosmopolitan would point out that,
for example, in no culture would you find mothers arbitrarily offering
up their young to strangers, that individuals in all cultures have capacities
for responding to shame and loss of dignity, and that such examples
are just a few among several that are the shared core features that
all human have and that override local particularity.
Cosmopolitanism stands in sharp contrast to two very important political
categories in our contemporary world today: pluralism and multiculturalism.
Pluralists defend the view that individual identity is to be configured
within the parameters of a conceptually neat ethnic, national or racial
paradigmatic prism. Pluralists are not separatists, but they do insist
that the boundaries that make separate identities distinct (Italian,
German, Native-American, for example) are protected and kept in place.
Group solidarity and group identity, then, are the important values
upheld by those in the pluralist camp. Multiculturalists are more likely
than pluralists to acknowledge an overarching national or international
community, but want to insist on the abstract nature of all such communities
as well as critiquing the way one particular culture tends to pass itself
off as pure, transparent or universal for the community in question.
Multiculturalists also insist on recognizing the contributions of seemingly
‘marginal’ cultures to such allegedly pure cultures.
Cosmopolitans, on the other hand, in keeping with the pro-individual
stance first evinced by Diogenes, are of the view that human socialization
takes place in the world where human intercourse takes place: in the
multiple spaces that we inhabit and among the myriad of human beings
with whom we interact and exchange stories, experiences, values and
norms. Strong cosmopolitanism repudiates the tendencies of cultural
nationalism and racial ideologists to impute moral value to morally
neutral features – accidents of birth such as skin pigmentation,
national origin and ethnic background. Strong cosmopolitanism argues
that there is no one fundamental culture to which any one individual
is biologically constituted and leaves the question of identity entirely
to the individual. That is, individuals ought to be able to cull their
own identities based on the extent to which their experiences and their
life roles have allowed them to experience themselves as the persons
they take themselves to be, rather than the passive wearers of tribal
labels assigned to them by their culture or by the society at large.
In the field of political philosophy, one must distinguish between cosmopolitan
law and international law. Cosmopolitan law protects the rights of citizens
of the world by making their relations to the state a concern of the
world community, while international law pertains to the relations among
sovereign and self-legislating states.
Moral cosmopolitanism draws the following conclusion from the above
arguments: geographic demarcations among groups of peoples, and national,
ethnical and racial differences among human beings, are irrelevant factors
when determining moral obligations persons have towards each other.
Moral cosmopolitanism further holds that tribalism hijacks our moral
lives because it works according to a specious logic of false separatism.
That is, tribalism takes the morally neutral markers of human beings
such as their nationality, ethnicity and morphological markers - the
latter codified into various racial categories - and imbues them with
moral relevance, punishing and persecuting persons solely on the basis
of characteristics which are accidents of birth and which tell us nothing
about them as moral human beings.
J Hill [1048] |