Speaking Chicana : Voice, Power, and Identity
edited by D. Letticia Galindo and María Dolores Gonzalez. Tucson, University of Arizona Press, 1999.
Reviewed by Lourdes Torres, DePaul University

Much of the traditional linguistic research on languages spoken by U.S. Latino/as has been tainted by a deficit model hypothesis which assumes that the Spanish and English spoken by Latino/as in the United States is a corrupt variety of the Spanish spoken in Latin American countries and the English spoken by middle-class Anglos. Invariably the generalizations offered in these studies center around the deviation of Latino/a speech varieties from Standard Spanish or Standard English. Recent scholarship by Latino/a linguists has been challenging such biased conclusions. In works such as Chicano Discourse by Rosaura Sánchez (1944) and Growing Up Bilingual by Ana Celia Zentella (1997), linguists writing from an insider perspective present a more nuanced, complex picture of Latino/a speech patterns that captures the creativity and innovation observable in the Spanish and English varieties spoken by U.S. Latino/as.

Speaking Chicana: Voice, Power, and Identity, an exciting collection of essays by Chicanas that focus on Chicana ways of speaking, is a welcome contribution to this growing body of work. This interdisciplinary work includes essays by Chicana linguists, lawyers, activists, librarians, creative writers and others. The collection examines how language shapes Chicanas' lives from a variety of illuminating perspectives spanning the academic, the political and the personal. The collection is divided into three sections: the first, "Reconstruction: Language Varieties, Language Use and Language Attitudes," includes empirical sociolinguistic research studies on Chicana communities; the second, "Reflection:Testimonials," offers autobiographical essays which center on how Chicana authors experience language in their lives; and the third section, "Innovation: Speaking Creatively/Creatively Speaking," includes studies that look at how Chicanas use their linguistic skills innovatively to challenge oppressive forces in their lives.

The essays seek to establish that Chicanas are border crossers linguistically as well as socially, politically and geographically. They have a range of codes at their disposal and they use all of them. In the study "Crossing Social and Cultural Borders: The Road to Language Hybridity," María Dolores Gonzalez explores language use in the lives of three generations of Mexican women from Cordova, New Mexico. While older women are Spanish dominant and younger generations are English dominant, all share the same linguistic repertoire, i.e. they speak Spanish, English, and they code switch (use both languages in a single utterance). As participants from the same speech community they share the rules of interactions. For example, even if their linguistic skills in Spanish are weak, young women in the community know that when they speak to their elders they should accommodate to the preferred language of the older generation. In public places, in exchanges with outsiders, community members know they should speak English. And in mixed interactions with speakers of various generations, the women utilize their skills at code switching. Gonzalez documents empirically that all the women are proficient in the art of language "border crossing" and engage in innovative language behavior.

In a fascinating ethnographic study on the linguistic behavior of Latina girls involved in gangs, " Fighting Words: Latina Girls, Gangs, and Language Attitudes," Norma Mendoza-Denton examines how national identity conditions language choice and this choice conspires with biases from the external society to limit the opportunities of young Latinas. In the Southern Californian high school she studies, girls self-segregate themselves as sureñas or norteñas according to their migration histories. Aside from establishing their differences through clothing, hairstyles, and musical preferences, language choice distinguishes the two groups. The sureñas speak Spanish and the norteñas favor English. The sureña identified girls often resist learning English and prefer to remain with their friends in ESL (English as a Second language) classes, regardless of their proficiency in English. Unless the students and their parents vigorously protest, once students are labeled as limited English proficiency speakers, they are perpetually tracked into vocational programs as opposed to college preparatory classes. Mendoza-Denton demonstrates how language attitudes can have very concrete repercussions on the educational opportunities available to young Latinas. When these attitudes co-exist with racist educational policies, future prospects for these women are severely curtailed.

In the testimonials that form the second part of the book, Chicanas use the autobiographical text to interrogate the relationship between language and power. They reflect on the struggles they encounter within both Chicano and Anglo communities as they fight to gain a voice and resist the expectation of their silence and compliance with the status quo. A striking essay in this section is "Speaking as a Chicana," by Jacqueline Martínez. Martínez recounts how she struggled to claim her voice as a Chicana, a lesbian, and an academic. Ironically, this daughter of a Mexican father and an Anglo mother, found that coming out as a lesbian was in many ways easier than coming out as a Chicana. Since her father understated his ethnicity and never discussed his heritage with his children, it was only after attending college that Martínez came to explore her Mexican identify. Her entry to Chicano/a studies was through the works of Chicana lesbians such as Cherríe Moraga, Gloria Anzaldúa, and Emma Pérez. These theoretical and creative writers helped her to finally connect the different aspects of her self, engage in a serious process of cultural recovery, and gain a new understanding of her father's life.

The third section of the book contains wonderful essays that examine the many ways in which Chicanas are using language creatively. Two articles, "Sacred Cults, Subversive Icons: Chicanas and the Pictorial Language of Catholicism" by Charlene Villaseñor Black and "Calo and Taboo Language Use among Chicanas: A Description of Linguistic Appropriation and Innovation" by Letticia Galindo, explore the ways that Chicanas are subverting codes and symbols that have usually been used against them or excluded them. Villaseñor Black assesses how artists from New Mexico are appropriating symbols of Catholicism in powerful, assertive ways that acknowledge the important place of the Catholic religion in the lives of Chicanas, while concurrently manipulating these symbols so that they reflect the lives of women from their point of view. Similarly, Galindo demonstrates how Chicanas use Caló (a complex linguistic variety with roots in 16th century Spain, that combines elements of indigenous languages, English and Spanish), to express Chicana perspectives. While this variety has usually been identified with Pachucos and male gang members, Galindo documents how the women she interviewed in New Mexico also manipulate Caló. The Chicanas speak a range of codes including English and Spanish. However, their use of Caló reflects their experiences in urban street culture and their rejection of traditional gender roles that call for women to refrain from aggressive linguistic displays. Once again, the study captures the innovative linguistic practices in which Chicanas engage in order to express their meaning.

Speaking Chicana: Voice, Power, and Identity is a unique and exciting collection that brings together linguistic scholarship and autobiographical writings around the topic of Latina language. By bridging academic essays with personal testimonies, readers get a comprehensive and multifaceted introduction to Chicana ways of speaking.